After a decade of confronting terrorism, what reform for the security sector in particular armed forces? Should priority be given to national or regional and international approaches? What role for the private sector and also for youth education in confronting the new challenges?
By its geostrategic dimension and the states engaged, openly or not, the war in Ukraine has relegated all other conflicts in the world to the… third level. This is even truer of the war that has been devastating the Sahel, in particular Mali, since 2012. That inattentive negligence is already having a heavy price in the Sahel and especially at populations and infrastructures levels as well as weakening already fragmented national cohesions. The cost for the other regions of the world – in particular Europe, the United States and Russia – full-bodied by social networks and propaganda worthy of Cold War practices, could be enormous, particularly in terms of diplomatic relations, migrations and illicit trafficking. With these realities in place, can the Sahel still cope and if so, how?
The Sahel countries are facing the following dilemma: how to fight terrorism without the cooperation of that scourge epicenter ei Mali? The Transition regime pushed the French force Barkhane and the European group of special forces, Takuba, to leave its territory. Instead, Bamako chose to resort to the Russian paramilitary company, Wagner. The ruling junta has withdrawn Mali from the G5 Sahel. Malian Armed Forces (FAMA) have deserted the outposts of the three borders (Burkina, Mali and Niger) strategic zone. Now, the country seems to be confined within its territorial limits and deaf to calls for cooperation from its embarrassed neighbors.
The choice of theme – Sahel, Maghreb and Europe Union – is topical and moreover operational, that is to say ready for implementation. It is indeed wise to link the long and multifaceted security crisis in the Sahel to the security of these two other geopolitical spaces, the Maghreb and Europe… its northern continuation.
